The role of the syllable in the metathesis of /r/ in Neapolitan

According to Tuttle (1997), two of the most recurrent types of metathesis evidenced in Italo-Romance can be traced to principles of syllabic optimality. Metathesis can be motivated by a preference for open syllables (e.g. O.Gen. fremo ‘steady’ < FIRMU); and by a tendency to shift complex onsets to the main stressed syllable (e.g. Nor.It. caδrèga ‘chair’ < *caδèγra, cf. Pompei catecra). However, as will be argued here, data from Neapolitan dialect provide evidence against both statements and therefore demonstrate a need for a different explanation. In this paper, I will analyze the metathesis of /r/ in Neapolitan from a different perspective, by keeping apart two aspects of this phenomenon: a) the role played by the syllable (and syllabic weight), among other phonological constraints, on the final result of the process; b) the causes which trigger the change and which are most commonly assumed to be phonetic in nature (Blevins & Garret 2004; Hume 2004). This way, the role of the syllable is more restricted and receives a non-teleological interpretation. A phenomenon of compensatory lengthening triggered by the metathesis of pre-consonantal /r/ is also described.